学位論文 A+I構造と非対格仮説理論

張, 岩

pp.1 - 29 , 2017-03-25
内容記述
This thesis is to study the connection between the Chinese A+I construction (the accusative plus infinitive construction) and Unaccusative Hypothesis under the framework of Generative Grammar. We demonstrate generative syntactic positions of the nominal after the matrix verb, as well as their thematic roles through making an analysis of the English A+I construction. In this thesis we argue that the essential differences between Chinese control structure and the raising structure in the A+I constraction lie in the distinction between the unaccusatives and the unergatives. We divide this construction into two types. One criterion is the attributes of matrix verbs, and the other is whether the structure of the entire sentence is control or raising. In the first type, the matrix verb is an unergative with a control structure and it denotes the agent-centered event. In the second type, the matrix verb is an unaccusative with a raising structure and it denotes a theme-centered event. Furthermore, the existence of empty category, the PRO and the NP-trace will solve the thematic overlapping phenomena in which the one nominal has two 0-roles in the complex event structure. This thesis will be organized as follows. In chapter 1, we introduce the claim of this thesis. In chapter 2, we will review previous studies of the A+I construction in English. It introduces the Raising to Object (RtoO) and the Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) analysis. In chapter 3, we find that the A+I construction in Chinese also has the same property as infinitival clauses in English. Moreover, the characteristics of this construction and the classification of this construction in our study are described. In chapter 4, Chomsky's empty category theory (1981), especially NP-trace and PRO will be introduced. Then we will make a review of the study about the control structure and the raising structure. What is more, the connection between the control verb and the unergative verb as well as the connection between the raising verb and the unaccusative verb will be proved. In chapter 5, we demonstrate how our propose works for the control structure and the raising structure in the Chinese A+I constructions respectively. By virtue of the CAUSE-PROCESS-RESULT model of the complex causative events (Folli, 2002), we will analyze the thematic overlapping phenomena. Meanwhile, the empty category PRO in the control structures and the NP-trace in the raising structures will solve this problem, and lastly we will conclude this thesis.
首都大学東京, 2017-03-25, 修士(言語科学)
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