Departmental Bulletin Paper 選挙権は誰のものか? : S. ロッカンのマクロヨーロッパモデルと19世紀英仏選挙制度を手掛かりとして
Who controlled the right to vote? Using S.Rokkan’s Macro-Model of Europe and the electoral systems of Britain and France in the 19th century as a lead
センキョケン ワ ダレ ノ モノカ? : S. ロッカン ノ マクロ ヨーロッパ モデルト 19セイキ エイフツ センキョ セイド オ テガカリ トシテ

"玉利, 泉"

12pp.47 - 67 , 鹿児島大学
"The modern and current electoral system is inseparable from the democratic principle called the 'one person one vote' system given a guarantee of universal and equal suffrage. This article analyzes the electoral systems of Britain and France in the 19th century which either fulfill or do not fulfill the basic principles of universalsuffrage and equality and other suffrages, and considers the realization of the institutionalized democracy inboth countries. Then I gave attention to S.Rokkan's Macro-Model of Europe with these basic conditions to themass democracy and then present and analyze the framework of European politics through the English and French typical models. The relevant aspects of this matter are significant and deal directly with the heart of the discussion on the nstitutionalization of the English and French democratic systems. I located information on the electoral systems of Britain and France through the transverse axis of S.Rokkan's Macro-Model of Europe and the vertical axis of the basic principles of suffrage based on modern legislation. He shows the modelwhich explains how:- 'the English model of slow, step-by-step enfranchisement continued without reversals but with long periods with formal recognition of inequalities, and the French model of early and sudden universalization and the equalization of political citizenship but with frequent reversals and with tendencies towards plebiscitarian exploitation of mass support'. Then he considers the tendency which:- 'In general, the polities characterized by stronger representative traditions came closer to the English model, whereas the polities with stronger absolutist tradition came closer to the French model'. Then he further illustratesBritain and France where:- 'the resistance to the introduction of PR is likely to be stronger in larger polities where central governments are able to mobilize greater resources against the PR movements (England, France and Germany)' with examples. I think that in reality the differences between the British and French models were insubstantial and the insubstantiality resulted from the similarity of both countries in their retaining the established oligarchy. The reality and actual conditions of the English electoral system mainly depended on limited suffrage and had plural voting still occurring, and the French government continued to interfere in their electoral system and their elections which were against male universal suffrage and maintained the effect of the theory of the franchise by considering it an official duty and thereby justified the continuing restricted suffrage. And so in England, Parliament and Cabinet are composed of the predominance of the peerage and in France there is a specialization between Parliament, as well as Cabinet and upper administration, and the latter is effectively still being ruled by the upper middle class and the nobility. The propertied classes controlled the suffrage and the electoral systems of Britain and France in the 19th century. At that time the statesmen demanded the democratization of the electoral systems within the range of the compatibility of governmental necessity, but I think that the indirect democracy can not be realized as far as the oligarchy is kept as the framework of the system."

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